Confederate Truths: Documents of the Confederate & Neo-Confederate Tradition from 1787 to the Present.

Anglo-Saxon supremacy over other European whites, Asian Americans, and African Americans promoted by the Sons of Confederate Veterans

Anglo-Saxon supremacy over other European whites, Asian Americans, and African Americans promoted by the Sons of Confederate Veterans

This document shows how the Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV) worked to deny civil rights not only to African Americans but non-Anglo-Saxon European immigrants and Asian Americans. This address was printed in the Manufacturers Record, and then the SCV had the address printed up as a pamphlet and distributed it themselves. Notice that the Commander-in-Chief of the SCV wrote a forward for the pamphlet. Text follows illustrations.

Page 1/Cover and Page 2 (Both have the same text.)

An address by Hon. Henderson Hallman, of Atlanta, to the United Confederate Veterans, the Sons of Confederate Veterans and the Confederated Southern Memorial Association delivered before the joint assembly of these bodies held in Memphis, on June the 3rd, 1914.

Printed and distributed by the Sons of Confederate Veterans. Being reproduced from the Manufactures Record with an introductory letter by Commander-in-Chief Etheridge, of the S.C.V. and an introductory editorial by Richard H. Edmonds.

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EDITOR, Manfacturers Record. Enclosed herewith, I send you a copy of an address delivered by Hon. Henderson Hallman of Atlanta, to the joint assembly of the United Confederate Veterans, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, and the Confederated Southern Memorial Association, held under the aus­pices of the Sons of Confederate Veterans on the occasion of the recent annual reunion of the U. C. V. and the S. C. V., in the city of Memphis, Tennessee.

I send you this address in the hope and with the request, on behalf of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, of which I have the honor to be the commander-in­-chief, that you will reproduce it in full in the columns of your paper, and that you may see fit to make some editorial comment upon it.

The address created a very profound impression upon a great audience of representative Americans assembled in Memphis from nearly every state in the Union. Their reaction to it was one of the most re­markable I have ever witnessed in connection with a public speech. It was published in full in The Memphis Commercial Appeal and the edition was soon exhausted. At the request of many Sons of Confederate Veterans, it was later published in full in The Atlanta Journal, and the manuscript which I enclose is a clipping from The Journal.

To my mind, the questions presented in this address are of vital concern not only in the South, but they equally affect and concern the Anglo-Saxon breed of Americans everywhere. Mr. Hallman sounds a warning which Americans must heed if the Anglo-Saxon is to continue to dominate the destinies of this republic. If that supremacy is lost, the republic is lost. Sooner or later, the question of a return to the fundamental principles embodied in the Constitution of the United States, and the question of purging and purifying American suffrage, will overshadow all other questions in our domestic life. For this reason, this address is not sectional but nation-wide in its significance.

I realize that the address will occupy a consider-able amount of space in your paper, but the subject is one which cannot be treated lightly or briefly. Please allow me to request you to make a special effort, if necessary, to publish the address in full.



Sons of Confederate Veterans.

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An invitation such as the foregoing, which comes from the Commander-in-Chief of the Sons of Confederate Veteran, could scarcely be ignored by The Manufacturers Record, it matters no how lengthy the address may be.

This address was delivered before the United Confederate Veterans, at their annual meeting in Memphis. These men, whose number is rapidly growing smaller, are the worthy sons of the worthy sires who helped found this country and establish this Government. They are the men left of the Confederate Army, who sacrificed all for honest conviction and put to the arbitrament of the sword the question of states' rights. For years their conflict was referred to as "The Lost Cause," but today there is a rising tide of sentiment in every section of the country and among all classes of patriotic men in behalf of states' right, which is not a Lost Cause. This is voiced by Republican and Democratic Presidents alike. It is voiced with equal emphasis by Republican leaders as it is by Democratic leaders.

States' rights has ceased to be a sectional question. Today, to a greater extent than ever before, it is a national question of profound interest to patriotic men of every section. There are many facts to be found in the address of Mr. Hallman which will appeal with fore to the patriotic people of the entire land as he calls them back to a realization of their duty to maintain this Government and protect the American Constitution against the assaults which are being made by the socialistic activities of the hour and by many unthinking men and women who do not comprehend the meaning of the outcome of their activities, if the outcome should be in accordance with their desires and their effort.

"Give us back the Constitution of our Fathers!" is the ringing cry of Mr. Hallman. That is a cry which can be taken up by every patriotic man and woman.

We take pleasure in complying with the request of Commander-in-Chief Etheridge for the publication in full of Mr. Hallman's address, knowing that it will be of as deep interest to our readers in the North and West and in Europe as to those in the South.

No one who envisages the political movements of the hour, the spirit of unrest which has been created by demagogues in co-operation, intentionally or not, with Bolshevistic agitators, endangering the very

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existence of this Government, can fail to appreciate many of the facts so clearly set forth by Mr. Hallman. The patriotic men of the North and West, faced by the problem of socialism and bolshevism, and an alien population largely identified with these movements running anywhere from forty to sixty nine per cent in some of those states, cannot fail to grasp the serious importance of the issues which must be met and conquered if our country is to be saved from going the way of democracies in the past.

The fact that the white people of the South are almost wholly Anglo-Saxon, with the Anglo-Saxon love of home and local government developed during many centuries, has a forceful meaning for the safety of the entire country. It is worth repeating the statement we have several times made that General Grant even during his lifetime, saw the dangers which we now confront, and said to members of his family, that if this Government is to be saved, it would, in his opinion, be saved by the Anglo-Saxonism of the South.

In recognition of this fact, the Anglo-Saxonism of the North and West, united with that of the South, can be made the dominant power to free ourselves from political demagogues, to bring back the Constitution of our fathers and to safe-guard our Government.

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I salute ou, of the blood royal of the Anglo-Saxon race, the blood royal of our liberties and of the Constitution. I, too, am of the blood royal, the sons of a Southern soldier, born in the hills of North Carolina, of Revolutionary stock and Christian parents, but a Georgia volunteer, Company E, Fourteenth Georgia, Thomas' brigade, Wilcox's division, A.P. Hill's corps – one of Stonewall Jackson's men.

I greet you, men of the Constitution and of the Confederacy – sons and daughters of the Constitution and of the Confederacy – fellows all, of the Constitution and the Confederacy.

I have take as my subject tonight, a theme that will tell you of the deeper significance of the greatest monument of this day, and it is my hope to unfold before you the vision, and the living, breathing embodiment of the sublimest memorial of all time –an eternal vindication of the men who wore the gray.

In past geologic eras, due to the simultaneous depression of the coast plan region and the elevation of the Piedmont plateau and the Appalachian areas, the Archaean rocks, the oldest physical structure of the earth, were bared to the weathering and disintegrating agencies of the sun, frost and winds, and the granites of this old formation endure as one of the ribs of Mother Earth, extending from the New England coast to where they bury themselves in the alluvial clays of Alabama and dip beneath the foundations of the Capitol of the Confederacy at Montgomery. This old formation in its right hand holds the coastal plain to the blue waters of the Atlantic. In its left, it lifts to the blue sky of heaven, the glories of the White and Green Mountains of New Hampshire and Vermont and the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia. On it breast, it bears the traditions of American liberty. There is not one mile along the line of these old granite but that some blood was spilled and some blow struck by our forefathers for the sovereignty of the thirteen original states.

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Rich in Historic Incidents

It was of an on these old granites, that our Pilgrim Fathers bended their knees in their first prayer of thanksgiving for freedom of body and faith on Plymouth Rock. It was these same rocks that stuck the fire from the hoofs of Paul Revere's steed as he sounded that never-dying call to arms; and, at a later day, it was the same rocks that caught the flecking foam from Sheridan's horse, with Winchester twenty miles away. The Rapids of the James, by whose waters the cavaliers landed at Jamestown, are of the ledges of these rocks. It was on the same old formation that the men, whose blood of the Revolution flows in our Southern vein, met and drew the first document of American freedom – the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, in Mecklenburg county, North Carolina. And we are of the same pure Anglo-Saxon strain of the men of the hills and plains of the Carolinas, who reached about their fire boards for their squirrel rifles and, swinging their powder horns across their shoulders, went down to the battles of Cowpens and King's mountain, along the line of this living rock, and turned back the tide of red coats on Southern soil and gave to the American colonies their freedom.

And from this old formation Stone Mountain rises, as if with predestined knowledge of its security and nativity in the lap of the Southland, a symbol of our liberties and a monument to that immortal instrument which was the culmination of the great struggle – the Constitution of the United States.

The Slavery Agitation

Under its covenants and inspired by the lives of the great men who framed it, their sons lived in the strength and fortitude of their own righteousness and in the love and admonition of the Lord, until their came industrial changes whereby certain people found themselves with enough money and time to initiate and carry on an agitation against the institution of slavery. Everyone familiar with the study of the human race will know that the evils of the African slave trade have existed throughout all history and that every nation has at some time shared in them, England being

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one of the worst of all offenders. Therefore, it was but natural that the traffic in slaves should have flourished in New England. Due, however, to the limited agricultural regions and the rigorous climate in the New England states, the holding and working of slaves there proved both impracticable and unprofitable, and the slave barons began exploiting the South and her agricultural possibilities as the logical outlet for the slave traffic, with the result, well known to history, that within the lapse of comparatively few years, the slaves of the states were held and worked by Southern plant­ers. But I want you and the world to know tonight that no Southern man and no Southern ship was ever engaged in the transportation of slaves and that never a Southern bottom transported a single negro from his African home to America or any other shore.

Georgia, as a colony, founded and represent­ed the first attempt of any government to end the slave trade, and the Constitution of Georgia, as a state, affirmatively prohibited its infamies. I want the world to know again that there never was but one nation in the world that frowned upon, and in its Constitution forbade, the Afri­can slave trade from the very day of its storm-cradled birth until it went-down with spotless record on the field of Appomattox, and that nation was the Confederate States of America.

However, the Constitution of the United States was a covenant entered into by the repre­sentatives of the North and South, and it es­tablished at one and the same time, the institu­tion of slavery and white citizenship, as held by the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case in 1857, to wit: That the Constitution recognized slaves as property; that Congress was bound to protect slavery, and that no slave, or the descendant of a slave, could be a citizen of the United States or have any standing in the Federal courts. I mention this, not in defense of slavery, but that you may know that slavery and white supremacy and white citizenship were of the woof and warp of the Constitution of the United States, and I want you further to know that less than ten per cent of the people of the South owned slaves at the outbreak of the war.

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Voice Of Reason Not Heard

But when fanatics and a then-organized minority fanned the passions of America into unquenchable fury, little thinking or caring in their fanaticism whether reformations re-formed or deformed, or whether a Christ was crucified, or witches were burned, or rivers ran red with the blood of brothers, they poured upon the people of the South, in that awful brothers' war, the pent-up and concentrated wrath that had been engendered against slavery in all the years since Moses. Had the voice of reason been heard, that awful tradegy would have been averted and the good men of the South and the good men of the North would have worked out the problem to a great and good end. But I say, notwithstanding the small percentage of slaveholders, all of the men and boys who were able to bear such arms as they could find, followed Lee and Jackson into the bloody conflict—not for the preserva­tion of the institution of slavery—perish the thought!—but to defend the principles of states' rights and to uphold white supremacy.

The men of the Revolution won the Consti­tution—the men of the South defended it.

We know the result of that awful struggle. Victory perched on Northern arms, and as a birthright of their conquest the city of Wash­ington, and every public building within the shadow of its Capitol, every function of gov­ernment, and this imperishable Union itself, is a fitting memorial for the men who wore the blue. But for the Confederate soldier nothing survived to champion the valor that was spent and the cause that was lost.

Many years ago, Gordon McCabe, speaking in the battle-crowned Capitol of that ancient Commonwealth, said of Virginia, that:

"No 'Painted Porch' is hers, like that of Athens, where, for half a thousand years, the descendants of the men who had followed Miltiades to victory might trace the glories of their Marathon; no gleaming Chapelle des Invalides, with the light flaming through gorgeous windows on tattered flags of battle; no grand historic abbey, like that of England, where hard by the last resting place of her princes and her kings sleep the great soldiers who have writ glorious names high upon their country's roll with the point of their stainless swords.

"Nay, none of this is hers.

Only the frosty stars tonight keep solemn watch and ward above the wind-swept graves of those who, from Poto­mac to James, from Rapidan to Appomattox, yielded up their lives that they might transmit to their children the heritage of their fathers."

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A Predestined Monument

And, inspired by these words, the greatest natural monument under Southern skies, Stone Mountain, the Rock of the Constitution, set by an all-knowing God in a plain in the land of its defenders, was dedicated to the memory of the bravest warriors in the sublimest con­flict ever waged on God's footstool. The great and noble work of carving the images of Lee and Jackson and their tattered regiments upon the face of the mountain is carrying on, not-withstanding the mental and moral attitude of a people who appear to have turned their backs upon the principles of states' rights and the covenants of the Constitution.

While this is a monument to the Spartan heroism and fortitude of the Southern soldier, it is more than that. It is a monument to the cause for which he took up arms—a monument to the principles he fought to preserve. For, far greater than the record of how he fought is the reason why he fought—to preserve the inviolability of the home, the freedom of the individual and the sovereignty of the state. These principles to day are as vital to the North as they were to the South in the sixties, and they are as vital to the West as to the East; and, this being a monument to the men who defended the true faith as embodied in the Constitution, it is, therefore, fundamentally a monument to the Constitution itself, as it stood white and pure in all its strength and virtue at the sound of Sumter's guns and before it had been mutilated, manhandled and outraged by time-serving opportunists, hypocrites and fanatics.

It therefore behooves every lover of states' rights and of the Constitution to give of his heart's love manyfold to the new coinage to be issued commemorative of this patriotic project, that we and each of us may have silver threads in that memorial tapestry on the es­carpment of the Rock of the Constitution.

It is nearly sixty years since General Lee surrendered. While secession and nullification were decided by that arbitrament of arms, the doctrine of states' rights still lives and we hear the principles of states' rights, which have been dormant so long, proclaimed from every quar­ter. Time has wrought many and wondrous changes. Today we are deafened by the hue and cry

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against the usurpation of power at Washington, by the demand for decentralization. The worm has turned. King Centralization has gored the other fellow's ox—there is ''hell to pay and no pitch hot." The Constitution—the principles and faiths clear to our fathers—are again at the bar of judgment and we arc surrounded by a cloud of witnesses.

American Bar Report

Comes first: Elihu Root, New York; Walter George Smith, Pennsylvania; Cordenio A. Severance, Minnesota; F. Dumont Smith, Kan­sas; R. E. L. Saner, Texas—all distinguished Americans and students of their nation's history and of the times. These men from the North, South, East and West, have to say, as a committee on good citizenship of the American Bar Association in their report recently issued, that Washington, Lee and Lincoln composed the great triumvirate among the makers of America, and that:

"It was in defense of his state and of his home—the Anglo-Saxon spirit of liberty which holds a man's home as his castle which must not he invaded—that determined the course of General Lee. Could he have had his way the slavery issue would have been speedily settled. It is a curious commentary on the motives connected with the Civil War (the correct term, we must insist, is the War Between the States) that while Lee had set his own slaves free, General Grant is said to have continued in the ownership of slaves until they were emancipated by the Government of the United States."

And bearing on the principle of states' rights, for which Lee fought, they declare that:

"They amount to recognition that the repeated increase in Federal functions and authority in recent years has as­sumed most threatening proportions, and is transferring more and more to a strongly centralized Government, rights and privileges belonging to the states, and thus changing the very nature of our Government as established by the Constitution. The most deplorable aspect of the whole matter is that it is the history of governments of all times that power once conceded or usurped is rarely relinquished."

And hear them further:

"Eliminate, therefore, if you please, the questions of slavery and of an indestructible union of states. The men who followed Robert E Lee in a hopeless struggle fought for the principle which, however unfortunate its particular applica­tion with reference to the Civil War, is the principle of Anglo-Saxon liberty, of personal freedom, of individual initiative, of local self-government as our forefathers knew it, who wrung their independence from the mother country, enuncited this principle in the Declaration of Independence and estab­lished it definitely in the Constitution of the United States."

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Time To Call Halt

Next comes President Saner, the distinguish­ed head of the American Bar Association, re­cently addressing a New York audience:

"It is time to call a halt. It is time to get back to the beginning of things, back to the fundamentals, back to the real resources of our strength, back to the republic that the fathers so wisely conceived and so successfully instituted, back to a government of the whole people, by the whole peo­ple and for the whole people. Day by day and year by year, gradually and insidiously, through constitutional amend­ments and Federal encroachments, the form of this Government of ours is being changed from that republic into a political and hysterical chaos whose final terms are expressed in the unspeakable Russia of today."

Next comes Governor Ritchie of Maryland, and but a few weeks ago we hear his ringing states' rights speech at the Jefferson Day dinner of the National Democratic Club, in New York, and we hear him ask later:

"Shall this thing of centralizing in Washington more and more activities which the states were intended to do them-selves and which they can do better and more cheaply themselves—shall that stop, or shall it go on and ultimately break down not only the American form of government, but the backs of the taxpayers who have to pay for it as well?"

And within the half month comes the Comptroller of the Currency, D. R. Crissinger, a follower of the Hamiltonian policy of federal­ization, at Charlotte, North Carolina, in that cradle of liberty, Mecklenburg county, with the outstanding statement:

"We want more decentralization. We want more states' rights. We do not want the financial power centered in New York nor vast governmental powers centered in Wash­ington. If the tendency continues, our democratic form of government will disappear and destruction will overwhelm us. You citizens and other American citizens are today pay­ing out millions of good dollars to provide luxuries for thou-sands of useless offices and men in Washington."

Appalling Growth Of Patronage

It seems but yesterday since the recent en­croachment upon the rights of the states and since a centralized government took upon itself those extensive and multifarious functions that properly belonged to the states. We find then that the Postoffice Department and the employees of the Internal Revenue Department and a limited number of workers in the administration offices at Washington constituted the sum total of the vote and patronage that any party could hope to wield in its own favor to promote its selfish interests. A giant came among us then and, foreseeing the temptation to subvert these

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offices to undemocratic ends, this man, Grover Cleveland—the noblest Roman of them all—amid storms of political resentment, placed these agencies under civil service and lifted them out of politics.

But today we stand aghast at the truth of a situation that would have kept a party in power perpetually through the influence of an army of centralized government workers and millions of votes controlled by them but for the sickening and revolting disclosures of high crimes and misdemeanors everywhere. We are now, however, wide-awake to the conditions and motives that make for perpetuity in power through patronage, paternalism and pay for political protection.

We, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, great-great-grand-children of the Constitution, constitutionalists all, uncover our heads and bow in shame and sorrow under the dishonors that have come upon our national integrity. But we stand tonight in the undimmed light of the Constitution and ask for a return to the principles of Washington, Jefferson, Monroe and Madison--the simple faith of our fathers, states' rights and common honesty.

The story of the white family reveals but one blot, and that blot is upon the South, put there by the unnatural hate of a Northern brother, a veritable mark of Cain; and we pray tonight for a restitution inherent and over­due—immutable in eternal fitness and triumphant in the fulfillment of love, law and brotherhood.

Citizenship For Africans

There is not one American who believes in white supremacy and America for Americans who does not turn his face in blushing shame when the laws of immigration and citizenship are read from the statutes and decisions of the United States Court. The law today as pro­vided in section 2169 of the Revised Statutes of the United States and under a decision of the Federal court of the state of New York, is as follows:

"Originally it was intended to limit naturalization to free whites, but under the stress of feeling generated by the late war, Congress (in 1870) granted the boon of American citizenship to all native-born Africans from the Mediter­ranean to the Cape of Good Hope."

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In the light of the truth, I am wondering tonight if the people of New England realize that the wildest tribesman from darkest Africa has the same right to American citizenship within the borders of Bostontown as the proudest descendant of the purest blood of the Mayflower.

Fortunately, however, the negro is not migratory; even if he were he cannot fly and it is too far to swim, and all the tribes in Africa have not enough money between them to pay the passage of one Ethiopian from the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Cod.

While I do not compare the negro and the blacks of Africa with the enlightened yellow and brown races of Asia and the islands of the Pacific, I insist that our international and in­terracial attitude is paradoxical in that we be-stow citizenship upon the blackest and most ignorant and deny it to some of the most in­telligent and progressive people of this earth.

And with respect to Japan, we know that since an expedition, organized by a North Caro­lina Secretary of the Navy and embarking from a Virginia port, under Commodore Perry, by which the doors of the Hermit Kingdom were opened, the people of Japan have made more progress than all the black races of all time, and have breasted the forefront of national achievement with the white races of the world. We of the South sponsored them and we re­spect them; but they are not of the white race; their ideals are not our ideals; their homes are not our homes, and their altars are not our altars.

South Asked No Aid

We come tonight reminding the people of the United States that we have never asked aught of them; that when our fathers went home from Appomattox, it was to a land more desolate and bereft than was ever swept by plague, famine, pestilence and war. Those heroes, returning half naked and penniless to the upbuilding of their Southland, started life anew with but the infirm and old, the crip­ples and the children—the flower, stalk and root of Southern manhood were left on the bosom of old Virginia, whose sage grass waving in fratricidal strife taught the poppies how to grow in heroes' blood on Flanders Field.

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The men and women of the South were hungry, their beef cattle and work stock had been driven before the invader; the black, with his political equality as a burden and as an incubus had been put upon them. While they hungered for bread, Union bayonets were sent to them and venom-filled books to the blacks; while our mothers boiled dirt from smokehouse floors for salt, a misguided philanthropy built around my native city a cordon of negro uni­versities with more endowment than all the white schools of the South combined. This in old Georgia, the home of the first state univer­sity and of the first woman's college on earth. This to the land that gave them their Presi­dents. And the greatest of Americans they were, even unto the last of them, the son of old Vir­ginia, Woodrow Wilson, on whose tomb the garlands are still fresh; where hundreds pil­grimage each day to mingle their tears in a common grief. He lived and died leading a war-riven world to an abiding peace at the foot of the Cross. Greater love hath no man. Hallowed be his name!

Contemplate the difference then and now. We were brothers all. Every Southern man and woman thanks God for the shipload after shipload which an indulgent Providence per­mitted the United States to send of rations and raiment, and the millions of dollars to friend and foe alike—France, Belgium, Germany and Russia, while up to today not one farthing, meatskin, crust of bread or wrapping of the finger has been given to the Southern whites. Having come up out of great tribulation and from under the burdens of the carpetbagger, the renegade and the black, we are not unmind­ful of the noble men of those dark days—the men who followed the imperial Forrest in their ideals of white supremacy as a pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night. We are brave in our petition today, for we know that the Forrests and their spirits still live by the hundreds of thousands. In that day they kept our homes sacred from the boot of the black and our women untouched by them in the face of Federal bayonets. But of this:

"There are wounds too deep for Gilead balm to heal,

"And faiths so white I would not touch them with unholy hands."

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Summons "True Americans"

There are true Americans today, the country over, consecrated to white supremacy, and they are as the crusaders and their name is legion. They are unbranded and unstamped as the white-caps of the sea, and as unnumbered.

Their motives are as high and pure as the skies above them, and as deep as the unfathomed depths of ocean. These are the men who will not turn a deaf ear to our pleading tonight. And we raise our voices and turn our eyes to the setting sun, for we know that there in the boundless West we have sympathy, and that those splendid people have felt a brother's quickening love for the men and women of the South since that dark day when unbridled passion put upon America's purest Anglo-Saxon stock the incubus of the black as his political equal, and estranged, for just such time as the infamy endures, the good men of the South from the good men of all sections. The men of California, Oregon and Washington, whose golden sands are becoming jaundiced beneath the hot winds of the yellow peril, know that legislation and treaties do not appease and will never fill the call for a white America; and they stand by us tonight when we ask for the white Constitution of our fathers. These men—em­pire builders, with hearts as big and warm as their hearth-stones—and these women, yes, the girls of the "Golden West," will stretch a hand across the desert to us, and Americans for America from the Great Lakes to the Gulf will join in an unending invocation for the triumph of our cause.

We are asking tonight for a crowning glory for the men who wore the gray. As I ask it, I fancy that I see the outlines of the Rock of the Constitution, that Surrey's dream has come again, and that atop that rock tonight is a glorious homecoming. I think I see those hardy men of the Revolution, whether of the Puritans of New England or of the Cavaliers of Virginia, whose blood flowed down the crevices of that old rock from Concord to Carolina. I see the two sons of old Virginia, Washington and Lee, twin rebels side by side, as they lead the cavalcade to the crest of that anointed rock; we hear the voices of Jackson and Stuart in their glorious charges on the bloody field. And there is

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Ashby on his milk-white steed. And the stately form of Lee as if he had been lifted from the Chickahominy swamps and the fire of Mal­vern Hill and the appalling fire and blood of Manassas, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Spottsylvania and Petersburg. And Jackson, that greater than the leader of the Ironsides; the gallant Gordon and Evans, the pearl of chivalry and honor—they are there tonight; and Johnston and Johnson, Hood and A. P. Hill, and Ambrose Hill, and Ewell and Hampton; and the balance of the fearless and chivalric men, all with souls of fire and hearts of steel. And they are asking us tonight if they gave their lives in vain and if there be a stain upon their names shall we not wipe it out.

"Give Us Back The Constitution"

May God give me strength to sound the call of their honor.

And I do it, in that I ask all those of Anglo-Saxon blood, Americans everywhere, to give us back in their names and in their honor, the Constitution of our fathers, unsullied and unstained by the black blot of negro suffrage; to give us back the Constitution as Lincoln found it and as Lincoln would have left it; and in one grand and glorious revival of the faiths and principles of our fathers—yes, to the "Old-Time Religion," that was good for Paul and Silas and is good enough for us---in a glorious homecoming where we will know no more paternalism except that of our own fire-sides, where honor and virtue shall be taught in the home, in the schools and in the churches.

And if we must pay a tribute of taxes for paternalism, let it be for a fathering protection; let it be far an army of the Blue and Gray, rolled into one and generaled by the strain of the Grants and the Lees, the McClellans and the Ashbys, the Hookers and the Stuarts; an army large enough to fill the vision of those far-seeing statesmen (and, thank God, there are some of them left with us) to repel invasion and to put down insurrection; an army strong enough to carry conviction to all of every faith and creed and political alignment, association or union, that the biggest thing in America is the American Union, and the only flag we salute is the Star-Spangled Banner of our forbears.

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And let us pay taxes for a fleet of the air thar shall symbolize the American Eagle in his courage and defiance to the world; in a navy over which hovers the spirit of John Paul Jones, Farragut and Semmes, the spirit of Dewey at Manila, of Sampson and Schley at Santiago; a navy free from the barnacles of treaty restric­tion with any power or powers that be; and whether they be of air, or of the sea or of the undersea, to be unleashed to meet the enemy and fight him where they find him and leave him where they fight him.

And we want the Constitution back today and not tomorrow.

God grant that I may have kindled tonight here in Memphis, on the dying embers of the Confederacy, a revolution of thought and action that shall do these things and give us back the Constitution of our fathers; that these men be-fore us tonight, these men of gray, may know it and see it before they leave.

We realize that they have all overstayed their alloted time, their threescore and ten, and that they are as but dust in the hands of the Almighty, waiting to he wafted across the river. We want them, as they pass over and rest under the shade of the trees with Jackson and those immortals who have gone on before, to tell them of the South's vindication and of white supremacy in America.

Then, and not until then, will the best people of America be welded together for the common upbuilding of mankind and the glory of God; then, and not until then, may we, with a clean record and a clear conscience, look God and the men of all nations squarely in the face; then, and not until then, will sectional and party lines fade as melting ice before a summer's sun; then, and not until then, shall the words of Ben Hill of Georgia, be fulfilled:

We are here; we are in the house of our fathers, our brothers are our companions; and we are at home to stay, thank God!"